Why has political and ethical opinion in the West become so polarised? To the extent that many no longer seem to find it tolerable to live in the same country as people who have opposing viewpoints?
The Left likes to blame the Right. Figures like Donald Trump are said to be 'divisive'.
But the current resurgence of rightism, often denounced as 'extreme', is perhaps best interpreted as a reaction against the increasing cultural dominance of leftism. It's a reflection of the fact that leftism has become gradually more intolerant as it has acquired power – suffocatingly so, from many people's point of view.
As with any social phenomenon, the causes of increasing polarisation are complex. But one reason seems to be that for many people, their opinions have taken on (in their own minds) the status of fact. They 'know', for example, that men usually oppress women, that white people are all racist, and that economic inequality is unjust. Opinions that diverge from these 'facts' are simply wrong. They don't deserve to be given space. Rather, they deserve to be suppressed and punished.
Where did people acquire this unjustified certainty, and the inability to consider they might be wrong? I suspect the answer in many cases is, they acquired it at university, at least if they studied a humanities subject. Marxist and Marxist-inspired perspectives, which promote dogmatic ways of thinking, have gradually infiltrated the academic humanities. By now, such perspectives have become dominant in many institutions, including blue-chip ones.
Not all Marxist perspectives are necessarily wrong, so long as one remembers they're just perspectives. The reasons for social stratification (for example) are not well understood; arguably, they're not understood at all. Marx's theory that inequality is due to 'oppression' may be correct, in part, but there's currently no way of knowing. It could be completely false.
Marxist-inspired perspectives on gender, sexuality and ethnicity can be intellectually broadening, if that's considered an objective worth pursuing – so long as they're presented as perspectives, and not as compelling theory, with alternatives or critiques dismissed as 'ideology'. But that doesn't happen in practice, and it's not clear if it's even feasible. It's an integral part of the Marxist approach to treat itself as both factually and morally correct, and to treat other ways of thinking as deluded and harmful. This is one important way in which Marxist analysis is very different from the scientific approach.
Marxism is toxic to the spirit of free enquiry. It regards 'free enquiry' as an instrument of oppression. It's not surprising if support for neutral debate, and dispassionate weighing up of alternatives, has declined, if professors encourage their students to regard such things as merely a cover for dodgy motives.
Rather than teaching people to think sympathetically about a range of differing viewpoints, many humanities professors encourage adopting faith-like positions on certain topics. They don't do it by stating categorically that (for example) men usually oppress women; the process is more subtle than that. Students are encouraged to think 'critically', but only in certain directions. Getting good marks depends on getting to the 'right' conclusions, and avoiding the 'wrong' ones.
For example,
• anti capitalism: thumbs up.
• anti state intervention, or anti Marxism: thumbs down.
Ironically – or hypocritically – it's actually the humanities that are doing one thing (political propaganda) under the cover of another (intellectual analysis). It's made to look like science, but has more in common with religion.
01 October 2025
18 September 2025
the destruction of Britain (contd.)
The Labour government currently appears to have two main objectives:
(1) raise money by any means necessary (the coffers are empty);
(2) penalise the middle class for having 'unfair' advantages.
As Arthur Laffer recently reminded us, objective (1) isn't necessarily going to be met, in net terms, by having a new tax. For example, if you slap a 20% tax on private schools, but twenty percent of them go bust as a result, you may actually decrease tax revenue. Nevertheless, if you manage to penalise the middle class, then at least one of your objectives will have been met.
Having successfully punished those who wish to keep their children away from the horrors of comprehensive schools, Labour's next move is to penalise family farms. Farming is linked to private land ownership, one of the primary objects of hatred and disapproval for Marxists and other leftists. Stalin, for example, was willing to let millions die for the sake of eliminating private farming, which he saw as anathema to the communist cause.
Labour's approach is to abolish the exemption for inheritance tax on agricultural property (agricultural property relief) for farms valued above £1 million. This is a ludicrously low threshold. There are houses in the Oxfordshire village I live in – not by any means grand houses – selling for close to a million.
One of the concepts that came out of the COVID crisis is that of key workers, and key sectors – sectors of the economy that we cannot do without, if a catastrophe ever hits. One of those sectors is surely food production. Rather than over-worrying about which minority groups need protection (from being offended), shouldn't we be worrying about which sectors of the economy need protection? Because, in a crisis, we are going to be royally screwed if they don't exist and we're forced to rely on possibly non-existent imports? Personally, I would put food production above even medical services and transport, on the list of sectors we cannot do without.
Farming, more perhaps than any other business, depends on long-term planning and strategy. It can take decades for an agricultural plan to come to full fruition. Continuity across generations has been a crucial part of British farming. And one unwise policy change is all it can take to permanently destroy an agricultural business. Can it ever be rebuilt? Don't count on it.
Depending on whose data you believe, the proportion of British farms affected by the tax change could be two thirds, or it could be 20 percent. But even 20 percent of our farms being gradually decimated is too much.
Academic think tank the Institute for Fiscal Studies has recommended the abolition of agricultural property relief, on the basis that "[if we have inheritance tax] it should apply equally across all types of assets."
Even the Institute of Chartered Accountants, not particularly known for having a pro-Conservative stance, has warned that the £1m threshold is set too low, and that it will affect many more farms than the government claims.
As in the case of private schools, the big players will no doubt find ways and means to survive the onslaught. It's the smaller farms who are likely to go to the wall.
Do Labour politicians understand the economics of farming? Do they care? Is it wilful ignorance? Whatever the causes, the result will surely be to push the British farming sector closer to the brink.
• My colleague Celia Green has sometimes suggested that perhaps Britain "has a death wish". It's clear that there are people who seem to hate Britain (or a particular version of it), and who seem to want to destroy it. But is it possible for destruction to happen, unless a good proportion of the populace as a whole is to some extent on board with it? Is it possible that Freud's Todestrieb can operate at a societal level?
(1) raise money by any means necessary (the coffers are empty);
(2) penalise the middle class for having 'unfair' advantages.
As Arthur Laffer recently reminded us, objective (1) isn't necessarily going to be met, in net terms, by having a new tax. For example, if you slap a 20% tax on private schools, but twenty percent of them go bust as a result, you may actually decrease tax revenue. Nevertheless, if you manage to penalise the middle class, then at least one of your objectives will have been met.
Having successfully punished those who wish to keep their children away from the horrors of comprehensive schools, Labour's next move is to penalise family farms. Farming is linked to private land ownership, one of the primary objects of hatred and disapproval for Marxists and other leftists. Stalin, for example, was willing to let millions die for the sake of eliminating private farming, which he saw as anathema to the communist cause.
Labour's approach is to abolish the exemption for inheritance tax on agricultural property (agricultural property relief) for farms valued above £1 million. This is a ludicrously low threshold. There are houses in the Oxfordshire village I live in – not by any means grand houses – selling for close to a million.
One of the concepts that came out of the COVID crisis is that of key workers, and key sectors – sectors of the economy that we cannot do without, if a catastrophe ever hits. One of those sectors is surely food production. Rather than over-worrying about which minority groups need protection (from being offended), shouldn't we be worrying about which sectors of the economy need protection? Because, in a crisis, we are going to be royally screwed if they don't exist and we're forced to rely on possibly non-existent imports? Personally, I would put food production above even medical services and transport, on the list of sectors we cannot do without.
Farming, more perhaps than any other business, depends on long-term planning and strategy. It can take decades for an agricultural plan to come to full fruition. Continuity across generations has been a crucial part of British farming. And one unwise policy change is all it can take to permanently destroy an agricultural business. Can it ever be rebuilt? Don't count on it.
Depending on whose data you believe, the proportion of British farms affected by the tax change could be two thirds, or it could be 20 percent. But even 20 percent of our farms being gradually decimated is too much.
Academic think tank the Institute for Fiscal Studies has recommended the abolition of agricultural property relief, on the basis that "[if we have inheritance tax] it should apply equally across all types of assets."
If the government wishes to promote certain uses of land – such as producing food [...] – it would be fairer and more efficient to explicitly target support towards the activities it seeks to promote.This line of argument may look convincing on paper. But do the academics responsible for it have any practical knowledge of how farming works? Or considered that a tax you have to pay, plus a subsidy you have to claim, may look the same – in theory – as being left alone, but be very different in practice?
Even the Institute of Chartered Accountants, not particularly known for having a pro-Conservative stance, has warned that the £1m threshold is set too low, and that it will affect many more farms than the government claims.
As in the case of private schools, the big players will no doubt find ways and means to survive the onslaught. It's the smaller farms who are likely to go to the wall.
Do Labour politicians understand the economics of farming? Do they care? Is it wilful ignorance? Whatever the causes, the result will surely be to push the British farming sector closer to the brink.
• My colleague Celia Green has sometimes suggested that perhaps Britain "has a death wish". It's clear that there are people who seem to hate Britain (or a particular version of it), and who seem to want to destroy it. But is it possible for destruction to happen, unless a good proportion of the populace as a whole is to some extent on board with it? Is it possible that Freud's Todestrieb can operate at a societal level?
11 September 2025
le déluge (après nous)
It seems France is paying the price for 50 years of cultural-Marxist ideology, which started to become hegemonic over there in the 1970s. The French structuralist and post-structuralist movements – variants of the intellectual collectivism that Marx's disciples pioneered, and hugely influential – no doubt made the French intellectual establishment feel they were masters of the (mental) universe. A pleasant feeling, after the humiliation of the Occupation.
Their ideas became fashionable, then dominant. It soon became difficult to be a non-leftist intellectual at all in France. Even the occasional maverick like Bernard-Henri Lévy still genuflected towards the basic principle of leftism: that intellectuals were there to make the world 'a better place'. Instead of making France 'better', we can see what the eventual effects of leftist hegemony are: instability, political incompetence, loss of social cohesion.
France no longer occupies the position of standard bearer for cultural Marxism. (One of the ironies of collectivism becoming hegemonic is that eventually high-grade collectivist thinkers are hunted to extinction, because the concept of an exceptional person, even a leftist one, is regarded as too individualistic.) The role of leadership was transferred to the US during the 1980s and 90s. Applying a temporal analogy suggests that America has about another 20 or 30 years to go before it, too, succumbs to the weight of Marxist-inspired ideology, and starts to go downhill.
For the moment, the concept of enterprising individuals, and their importance, still forms a key part of America's self-image. Only this morning I was made aware, by an American brain-training app, of the historical role of Boston's 'ice king' Frederic Tudor (1783-1864).
But the rot has obviously started even in America, as can be seen from yesterday's assassination of Charlie Kirk. Unless the US wakes up and realises that its bloated university system has become a wokeist propaganda machine, it will soon be in the same position as Britain, with every historical figure 'deconstructed' and 'revisionised' to prove they were enemies of social justice, or else mere components of 'social movements'.
• The key to seeing through wokeism is to think about the motivation (conscious or unconscious) of those involved. They would be the first to tell you that everything is about power. Shouldn't you consider whether this applies, a fortiori, to themselves? Who benefits when all political thinking and action is eventually influenced, or outright controlled, by a class of state-authorised intellectuals?
Their ideas became fashionable, then dominant. It soon became difficult to be a non-leftist intellectual at all in France. Even the occasional maverick like Bernard-Henri Lévy still genuflected towards the basic principle of leftism: that intellectuals were there to make the world 'a better place'. Instead of making France 'better', we can see what the eventual effects of leftist hegemony are: instability, political incompetence, loss of social cohesion.
France no longer occupies the position of standard bearer for cultural Marxism. (One of the ironies of collectivism becoming hegemonic is that eventually high-grade collectivist thinkers are hunted to extinction, because the concept of an exceptional person, even a leftist one, is regarded as too individualistic.) The role of leadership was transferred to the US during the 1980s and 90s. Applying a temporal analogy suggests that America has about another 20 or 30 years to go before it, too, succumbs to the weight of Marxist-inspired ideology, and starts to go downhill.
For the moment, the concept of enterprising individuals, and their importance, still forms a key part of America's self-image. Only this morning I was made aware, by an American brain-training app, of the historical role of Boston's 'ice king' Frederic Tudor (1783-1864).
But the rot has obviously started even in America, as can be seen from yesterday's assassination of Charlie Kirk. Unless the US wakes up and realises that its bloated university system has become a wokeist propaganda machine, it will soon be in the same position as Britain, with every historical figure 'deconstructed' and 'revisionised' to prove they were enemies of social justice, or else mere components of 'social movements'.
• The key to seeing through wokeism is to think about the motivation (conscious or unconscious) of those involved. They would be the first to tell you that everything is about power. Shouldn't you consider whether this applies, a fortiori, to themselves? Who benefits when all political thinking and action is eventually influenced, or outright controlled, by a class of state-authorised intellectuals?
03 September 2025
paying the price for pseudo-logic
The tides are changing for higher education. In 2020, Joe Biden was elected on a platform of free college education for all Americans. Five years later, few politicians in the West talk about expanding the bloated university system. The penny seems to have dropped that bumping up participation rates has achieved little, except satisfy egalitarian ideology and generate massive debt.
As always with state involvement, there's now a ratchet-effect problem. Reversing the expansion will create unemployment among academics, and lead to waste of useless expenditure on infrastructure (lecture halls, student accommodation, etc.) Did New Labour, or their counterparts in other countries, consider this reversibility issue, when they encouraged the spending spree? It's doubtful.
There's an interesting recent article by a retired academic who says he was opposed to the UK's expansion that started in the 1990s, and who argues that chickens are now coming home to roost. The fact that the article appears in Times Higher Education suggests that even the academic and administrative elites are starting to acknowledge the problem.
Former politics lecturer Lincoln Allison points out that the UK's current two-tier system (half are graduates, half not) condemns non-graduates permanently to lower-grade jobs. Rather than increasing opportunities for the able, the expansion has succeeded in entrenching class differences.
Allison says that the university sector has been "bloated to an unsustainable level", and predicts that it is now "bound to decline".
The 2006 Leitch Review in particular provides a prime illustration of ludicrous pseudo-rationality: statistics, charts, arguments ('Britain needs more graduates in order to compete!'), all conveniently collated and targeted at producing a desired conclusion ('increase participation rate to 40%!') that had probably been fixed in advance. It's a testament to spurious logic of the kind nowadays habitually deployed in the humanities, and a testament to how such pseudo-logic can have massive political consequences, with a massive price to pay down the line, in the form of economic mismanagement and sorting out the mess.
As always with state involvement, there's now a ratchet-effect problem. Reversing the expansion will create unemployment among academics, and lead to waste of useless expenditure on infrastructure (lecture halls, student accommodation, etc.) Did New Labour, or their counterparts in other countries, consider this reversibility issue, when they encouraged the spending spree? It's doubtful.
There's an interesting recent article by a retired academic who says he was opposed to the UK's expansion that started in the 1990s, and who argues that chickens are now coming home to roost. The fact that the article appears in Times Higher Education suggests that even the academic and administrative elites are starting to acknowledge the problem.
Former politics lecturer Lincoln Allison points out that the UK's current two-tier system (half are graduates, half not) condemns non-graduates permanently to lower-grade jobs. Rather than increasing opportunities for the able, the expansion has succeeded in entrenching class differences.
Allison says that the university sector has been "bloated to an unsustainable level", and predicts that it is now "bound to decline".
... the government of a new party – or an old party on a new trajectory – may get into power and boldly and deliberately dismantle large parts of the system.Allison's article doesn't explore the dodgy logic that was used to rationalise the bloating, back in the heady nineties and noughties. The phenomenon is especially noteworthy given that academics themselves – cleverer than the average person? – were presumably involved in developing the case for expansion.
As a competitor for public funding, universities don't look good compared with health, defence and environment, and we must bear in mind that the British constitution can allow nearly complete control over policy based on 40 per cent of the vote. Such a government might institute a programme of closures and insist on the sale of assets and real estate.
The 2006 Leitch Review in particular provides a prime illustration of ludicrous pseudo-rationality: statistics, charts, arguments ('Britain needs more graduates in order to compete!'), all conveniently collated and targeted at producing a desired conclusion ('increase participation rate to 40%!') that had probably been fixed in advance. It's a testament to spurious logic of the kind nowadays habitually deployed in the humanities, and a testament to how such pseudo-logic can have massive political consequences, with a massive price to pay down the line, in the form of economic mismanagement and sorting out the mess.