02 June 2013

French Polish

Good old Chopin. He is definitely up there. In the top five. In my opinion.

His piano pieces are little symphonies in miniature. They often start with deceptive simplicity and apparent harmlessness. Then the music builds up to something more ominous and dramatic.

Critics have not always been kind to Chopin. During his lifetime he seems to have irritated a number of people, though not always for obvious reasons. At various times he was accused of being offhand, supercilious, reclusive, unmanly, babyish, frivolous and lightweight; and dismissed as capable only of ‘salon music’. Being Polish-born and only half French may have given him some problems in the haut-bourgeois Paris society which became his milieu.

Wagner, whose generosity and expansiveness when composing were not always matched by similar qualities in his social dealings, dismissed Chopin as “a composer for the right hand”. This verdict fails to grasp — perhaps intentionally — the nature of Chopin pieces, which are supremely lyrical. In style, they can seem like a piano version of bel canto singing, which is why most of the obvious action does happen on the right of the keyboard.

In tune with the fashion for hatchet jobs on figures from the past, a number of recent biographers have attacked Chopin as a disdainful snob, disloyal to his native Poland, or as hopelessly effete. The uninhibited emotionality of his music arouses enthusiasm in some, but seems to produce negative reactions in others.

It is interesting how individuals like Chopin, who deviate from normality but not in a readily definable way, are capable of provoking hostility of a kind which, with hindsight, seems irrational.

Still, his position seems safe, for now. 2010 — the 200th anniversary of his birth — was Chopin Year, and the composer received plenty of favourable attention, particularly from his homeland, Poland. His music is rightly celebrated for its astounding depth, notwithstanding its surface floweriness. Chopin pieces contain little storms of emotion, but often calm down again towards the conclusion.

And sometimes there is a funny little coda at the end.
Oh yes.



● Two things are required for successful performances of Chopin: (a) complete mastery of the keyboard, (b) faithfulness to the original emotional messages. Because of the impressionistic quality of the composition, this still leaves a wide range of possible interpretations.

A few major pianists fail with the first of the two criteria — personally, I like to hear all the notes — but at least as common is falling at the second hurdle. There are a couple of key themes in particular which one must be able to reproduce with conviction, if one is to do Chopin justice: nostalgia and courage.

Performances featuring (a) but not (b) can be interesting as demonstrations of virtuosity, but are otherwise as dull as looking at Gauguins in black and white.

Based on which pianists can and can’t do (b), I suspect that one ideally needs to have either East European or Jewish* in one’s make-up to get this part right. As someone with elements of both in his ancestry, I ought to be eligible to give it a go myself. Unfortunately, however, I do not play.

● Like all putative group differences, the one about playing Chopin is likely to be statistical, if true. The Spaniard Pedro Carboné is an excellent Chopin interpreter; while on the other hand there is one prominent Hungarian pianist who, as far as I am concerned, does not cut the mustard Chopin-wise.

By far the best young Chopin player on the scene, Rafal Blechacz, is a Pole. Blechacz’s performances are, quite simply, breathtaking. His playing of Chopin seems at times so correct that it’s almost macabre. Perhaps this is how the music was meant to sound, though of course there is no way of knowing. Technically the playing is flawless but, more importantly, the emotional messages are clearly there. One hears an urgency, and power, which it’s tempting to believe are authentically Chopinesque, but which very few pianists seem capable of reproducing.

Even the greatest performers have idiosyncrasies that one can quibble with. Blechacz’s playing occasionally comes across as a little too contemporary. One hears echoes of Rachmaninov, sometimes even McCartney. The performances can seem a trifle on the hard side, perhaps emphasising precision over reflectiveness. However, for all one knows, Chopin himself leant towards stern correctness, rather than in the romantic direction as heard in (say) Tamás Vásáry, another of the great Chopin players.

Blechacz** may sometimes seem to lack heart, but Chopin was accused of this himself. Perhaps the popular image of him as a dreamy poet is wide of the mark. A cousin on his mother’s side, General Krzyzanowski, fought in the American Civil War. Pictures of the General suggest a thoroughly robust character.

Whatever minor reservations one may have, it has to be admitted that Blechacz’s Chopin playing is astounding. I do not think Irish pianist John O’Conor was exaggerating when he described him as “one of the greatest artists I have had a chance to hear in my entire life”.

Blechacz’s performances of Debussy, I have to say, leave me cold. Technically perfect, they seem to miss the essential Debussy qualities of dreaminess and shimmering. On reflection, I don’t recall having heard a non-Frenchman play Debussy convincingly.

It’s interesting, incidentally, that French pianists seem to ‘get’ Debussy, as you would expect, but apparently not Chopin. It suggests Chopin’s heart was in Poland, not in Paris. (As indeed it now is, being immured at Warsaw’s Holy Cross Church, while the rest of his remains are buried at Père Lachaise.)

Apart from a superb recording of the Preludes, there has been relatively little Chopin output from Mr Blechacz since he bowled over the judges at the 2005 Warsaw international piano competition.

It must be tempting to diversify. On the other hand, a career as one of the greatest Chopin players of all time beckons. I hope it will come to fruition.

* East European fits with Chopin’s ancestry. The Jewish association seems harder to explain. The renowned Chopin interpreter Arthur Rubinstein claimed that it also helped to be gay, but I am not sure about this.

** the -cz is pronounced -tsh




The word “racism” has become one of the most loaded and dangerous terms in the modern vocabulary. One would therefore hope that those who are influential in determining its meaning are extremely careful about how they use it. Unfortunately, that doesn’t seem to have been the case.

Over the last couple of decades there has been a definite creep away from the original sense, so that the word now — functioning typically as an accusation — seems to cover a very broad array of things, some of them ill-defined.

The motive for the creep may seem hard to understand, unless one postulates that some people, particularly perhaps left-leaning intellectuals, have a desire to prohibit discussion by widening the range of ideas considered offensive — thereby restricting the lives of other (rival) intellectuals.

In Chambers’ 21st Century Dictionary (1996), the definition given is close to the common-sense meaning, involving as a crucial element an evaluation about superiority.
Belief in the inherent superiority of a particular race or races over others, usually with the implication of a right to be dominant.
Ten years later, in the 2006 edition of the Oxford English Dictionary, we have the following.
The belief that each race or ethnic group possesses specific characteristics, abilities or qualities that distinguish it as inferior or superior to another such group. [italics mine]
The newer definition starts with a reference to a belief in group differences, a reference which doesn’t occur at all in the earlier definition. Nevertheless, this second version of “racism” still crucially involves a belief about superiority/inferiority.

The current online OED* definition, by contrast, makes the meaning depend primarily on the issue of group differences, so that this now supposedly becomes the crucial component. The belief in superiority/inferiority — the element which, by itself, constituted the original definition — has been relegated to secondary importance (“especially ...”):
The belief that all members of each race possess characteristics, abilities, or qualities specific to that race, especially so as to distinguish it as inferior or superior to another race or races. [italics mine]
Extrapolating from the current trend, it seems we may soon get a definition that dispenses with the phrase “all members of”. (This would not be surprising, considering that the usage is already with us.) This would rule as ‘racist’, for example, the suggestion that the average Belgian might be intrinsically different, however slightly, from the average Swede.

To evaluate any discussion of possible average innate differences between nations or ethnic groups as racist seems ludicrous and pointless. It censors meaningful discussion of the topic, reducing it to a choice between complete avoidance or recitation of platitudes. It also makes research in this area impossible, given that the merest hint of transgression of the taboo means no external funding, and negligible chance of publication.

I am not blaming the compilers of dictionaries for the corruption. They only record — or ought only to record — the usage they observe. For responsibility, look to journalists, academics and other members of the ruling class.

* retrieved 1 June 2013

● The change in emphasis may reflect the preferences of the il-liberal elite. Perhaps superiority is no longer regarded as an issue, now that the ideology has decreed that no one may feel superior to anyone else, on any grounds. (Except members of the il-liberal elite, but they only because their positions were assigned to them by exercise of the collective will, at least so the theory goes.)
The stress now is on homogeneity. Not only is no one superior; no one is intrinsically different from anyone else. None of us have any significance as individuals, only as members of undifferentiated groups, any apparent differences having been socially determined. (We are of course permitted to make trivial choices to express our pseudo-individuality — e.g. hair colour, sexual orientation.)

● Based on personal experience, I regard it as probable that there are innate variations between different nationalities, in terms of averages.

For example, it seems fairly clear to me that the personality of the average German — allowing for the effects of language and customs — is slightly, but noticeably, different from that of the average Brit, though it would be difficult to define precisely how. I do not believe the difference can easily be explained solely by reference to cultural backgrounds.

I am not of course expecting anyone to take anecdotal data as proving there are genetic attributes which vary between nations or races. My working theory about this issue is based on the best I guess I can make, given limited evidence. I am open to the idea that the theory is wrong, and that observed differences are entirely derived from environment rather than genes.

However, to label as taboo any discussion of the possibilities is anti-rational.

● An institution which adopts the strategy of censoring or forbidding the discussion, for whatever reason, is breaking a putative principle of objectivity, which ought to hold in academia, at least as an ideal from which one tries not to depart.
Breaking the principle, knowingly and actively, is a move that will surely colour the institution’s attitude in other areas, and undermine its objectivity on a wider scale.



● South Korean rapper and YouTube sensation Psy is endorsed by the United Nations?
David Cameron and Barack Obama have learnt the moves of Gangnam Style?
But of course.
Where would we be if our political leaders did not demonstrate a working knowledge of filesharing dance culture?
And always twirling, twirling, twirling



Lack of funding means I am limited to making brief comments on complex issues. Those with access to state finance, who could provide more detailed expositions from a similar perspective, do not.

Private capital is necessary for scientific and cultural progress. Modern institutionalised academia is not well suited to generating paradigm shifts. Those with surplus funds should regard it as a responsibility to support individual innovators, including those with unfashionable viewpoints — irrespective of whether they agree with them.

Oxford Forum is seeking patrons to provide financial backing. Donations support the work of Dr Celia Green, one of the few female geniuses there have ever been, and at present scandalously ignored by the intellectual establishment.

01 April 2013

Airstrip One, A.D.2014

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Thirty years after the passing of 1984, Oceania found itself in an extraordinary position. The state — that entity which, according to theory, exists for the benefit of its citizens — had grown into a thing of nightmarish size and scope.

Decades earlier, an academic named Eric Nordlinger had warned that the government apparatus of a democracy would automatically try to expand itself and its powers, at the expense of the individual — but his work had been dismissed.

It became clear that the state was no longer in any sense the servant of those who ‘voted’ for it, but an autonomous agency which, like any corporation, was focused on its own interests and agenda. These involved increasing its powers, and its revenue, against what few constraints remained.

The full horror of what had been allowed to happen slowly began to dawn on a small minority. Meanwhile, the vast mass of ordinary citizens appeared neither to notice nor care.

Beneath their facade of indifference, many had negative reactions to what was happening, ranging from discomfort to terror and despair. They were kept mute, however, by their obeisance before an ideology which decreed that all was done for the good of the ‘needy’ and that anyone who opposed it was ‘uncaring’. Some wondered why the lives of the ‘needy’ never actually got any better, failing to realise that the point of the concept was purely a narrative one, intended to justify ever-increasing intrusion and confiscation.

The ideology cleverly co-opted groups such as women and ethnic minorities to its cause by convincing them that it served their interests, and that enemies of the ideology were their enemies too. In reality, those who were taken in by this were mere fodder to be exploited.

Many found it difficult to accept that the state had essentially become an instrument of evil, because such a large proportion of the population was employed by it. What was not appreciated (until too late) was that the absolute power of the state automatically corrupted anyone working for it. Even those sceptical about the state quickly converted to its point of view once they began carrying out its orders.

People were also befuddled by the fact that while sex and money had been heavily flagged as sources of negative motivation, the more dangerous lust-objects of power over others or (worse) ability to frustrate had been carefully avoided as topics for discussion.

* * * * *

The apparatus of Oceanic government was divided between eleven distinct Ministries (four having been found to be not nearly enough), with free exchange between them of files, database records and other information on individual citizens.

Ministry of Peace
Responsible for involving citizens in opportunistic wars supposedly promoting ‘justice’ and ‘peace’. These distract attention from domestic failings, and provide justification for greater powers of snooping, intrusion and incarceration.

Ministry of Health
Primarily responsible for (a) ensuring that citizens do not survive beyond their allotted lifespan, and (b) allowing practitioners to experiment on human subjects.
Regularly employed euphemisms include: ‘care pathway’ (starving patients to death in order to free beds), ‘informed consent’ (extorting a signature), and ‘in their best interests’ (doing the opposite of what patients or families want, including invasive treatments, sometimes for the mere thrill of exercising power over another person’s body).
The Ministry of Health is also responsible for the prescription of brain-deadening medication on a widespread scale — as only the thick-skinned are able to tolerate a society this grim without anaesthetics — and for enforcing compliance with the drug regime.

Ministry of Learning
Responsible for exposing children to damaging environments, in order that they avoid acquiring the skills which would enable them to see through falsehood, while instilling ideology to ensure the resulting frustration in later life is (ironically) turned to anger against opponents of the state.

Ministry of Knowledge
Responsible for running ASLCs (after-school learning centres), formerly called universities. Goal is to ensure that intellectual output is restricted to material supportive of the state, and world views compatible with increasing state control.
It is vital to the health of the state bureaucracy that intellectuals should always express sympathy with pro-state trends, and that no dissidents be given a platform — except those clamouring for even more radical forms of state control.
Applicants for ASLC courses are screened for ideological suitability, with those evincing independence of thought diverted to the less prestigious ASLCs, or denied access altogether.
Graduates of ASLCs join the Outer Party — an elite class of writers, media controllers, bureaucrats etc. — and work for one of the Ministries. Outer Party members are permitted to live in relative comfort, as insulation from the common herd is thought to make it easier for them to compose unrealistic sermons and pseudo-analyses.

Ministry of Plenty
Responsible for ensuring government finances are always in deficit. It was realised some time ago that getting massively into debt is not bad for the state in making it appear inept, but good, in that it provides a more compelling rationale for confiscating citizens’ property.
Middle-class competition can be usefully exploited in this regard, with richer members proclaiming ‘no really, please tax us more!’ as a devious means of impoverishing their poorer rivals and thus enhancing their own relative advantage.
New, creative methods of taxation are regularly proposed — mansion tax, bedroom tax, fat tax, granny tax, banking tax, airport tax, etc. — but when it gets tired of such game-playing the state simply confiscates a percentage of everyone’s savings accounts.

Ministry of Fun
Outer Party members working for the Ministry of Fun are responsible for producing and disseminating cultural products for the masses that will insidiously instil the dominant ideology. This process includes the rewriting of history, a goal best achieved using tendentious docudrama.
Cultural products should be entertaining in a suitably mind-numbing way, and reinforcing of the correct ideological messages. They must be free of bourgeois content, celebrating instead the glorious proletariat, who should be shown demanding more intervention and rebelling against a snobbish and exploitative bourgeoisie.
Audiovisual dramas are required to portray certain practices as necessary and tolerable, e.g. betrayal, aggression, theft, torture, murder, involuntary euthanasia.

Ministry of Protection
Responsible for providing criminals with education and other forms of social support, and for protecting them from persecution by property owners.
Also responsible for implementing laws against thought and speech crimes, and for collaborating with the Ministry for Families in the removal of children.

Ministry of Love
65 years earlier, George Orwell had written that the aim of the Big Brother state
was not merely to prevent men and women from forming loyalties which it might not be able to control [but] to remove all pleasure from the sexual act. Not love so much as eroticism was the enemy, inside marriage as well as outside it.
In practice, however, sex had not been found a threat to state authority, but instead had become a useful outlet for energies that might otherwise generate dissatisfaction or unease.
Sex now functions as an analgesic, and the search for sex as a usefully distracting counterirritant. Pursuit of sex is therefore encouraged, as is the breakage of existing relationships in favour of new ones.
It is loyalty to one’s partner, and genuine affection or empathy, that are seen as threatening. Relationships built on trust are discouraged in favour of ‘designer love’ — a consciously phoney and ‘ironic’ imitation of an earlier model, in which the parties regard sentiment as a slightly embarrassing means to a necessary end.
The idea of innate feeling or thought is seen as atavistic, proven by biology and psychiatry to be a cognitive delusion.

Ministry for Families
As a result of the prevailing love/sex model, even apparently stable family units are blatantly founded on contingency and cynical pragmatism. One side effect of this is that sensitive individuals tend to be traumatised, soon after emerging from the womb, by the harsh atmosphere prevailing in the home, so that many take refuge in emotional flight — a condition explained away as ‘autism’.
In general, the attitude to families is negative. ‘Support’ is used as a euphemism for coercive intervention aimed at destabilisation. Children are readily taken into state ownership, where they can be forcibly exposed to the ‘real world’ (e.g. sexual suffering). It is mandated that the business of child rearing cannot be entrusted to biological parents, who are perpetually scrutinised for signs of ‘abuse’.

Ministry of Truth
Responsible for publishing misleading data about examination success, falling crime rates, improving citizen health etc; and for issuing gagging orders.
Passes information about undesirable whistleblowers to the Ministry of Protection (see above).
Also responsible for authorising torture of prisoners to reveal ‘information’ — whether real, or invented under pressure.

Ministry of Justice
The really frightening one ...
The Ministry of Justice upholds a system of arcane and opaquely worded laws and regulations, numbering in the tens of thousands, which are interpreted in whatever way best suits the authorities.
In particular, the Ministry makes frequent use of an instrument called a closed material procedure, a term that strikes terror into the hearts of those prosecuted under it, for they know then that their doom is upon them, whether they are guilty or not.
In a closed material procedure (CMP) case, your fate is determined in Kafkaesque fashion by authority figures deliberating behind locked doors, and neither you nor your lawyer is allowed to be present or to know what evidence is being used to convict you.
The CMP procedure for civil litigation cases had been sneakily introduced by Airstrip One’s perfidious premier and his dishonest deputy, during a time when the public’s attention was distracted by hoo-hah about gay marriage (an issue which, these two personages claimed, validated their PR-manufactured reputation as ‘liberals’).
The legislation was drawn up in response to demands from leaders in New York Territory, and was inspired by a popular TV series about intelligence officers devising creative ways to torture suspects.

image source: SovietBuildings



● A number of journalists have expressed sympathy with Vicky Pryce, said to be one of the cleverest women in Britain, who was given an eight-month prison sentence for taking speeding points for her then husband, LibDem minister Chris Huhne — a punishment somewhat like using a bulldozer to crack a nut. Her career is supposedly over, and the “terrible waste” of her abilities is bemoaned.

Celia Green’s career was also ruined, and her considerable talents largely wasted, though she broke no laws. Her only crime was to incur the hostility and jealousy of other people, including officials at Essex County education authority and the former principal of her Oxford college.

No journalists have enquired about Dr Green’s position or her problems. This may be because her story would not sell papers in the way blather about the Huhne-Pryce affair does. But perhaps it also reflects squeamishness on the part of the media about criticising the establishment in fundamental ways, as opposed to merely exposing its members’ sexual and financial shenanigans.

Those who have written about Professor Pryce no doubt assume that she does not want to be in prison, that she has a strong desire to make use of her abilities, and that she will find it frustrating to have no opportunity to do so. Strangely, this logic is typically inverted in the case of Dr Green. Those who respond to her complaints reveal a belief that she cannot be suffering particularly, or even that she ought to enjoy her position of being a struggling, unfinanced intellectual — did she not choose it? But Green no more chose her present life style than Einstein chose to be a patent clerk.



Did you fall foul of the criteria mentioned at the top of the page? And you’re still reading this? Frankly, your standards of conduct leave something to be desired.